The STF decided that the time frame was unconstitutional on Thursday night (18), but the decision opens the doors to a new chapter of violence against indigenous peoples, as it maintained points of law 14,701/2023, the Genocide Law. The rejection of the time frame is just a symbolic gesture to calm consciences while the real machine of destruction is set up in the articles of the now validated law. By maintaining articles of the law, the STF gave violence a stamp of legality. The law is not a mere regulation, but a legal engineering for territorial emptying. It operates through lethal mechanisms that transform original rights into bargaining chips. It establishes the understanding that the State can offer lands other than those traditionally occupied, sacred and ancestral. It is the institutionalization of exile. Exchanging the territory that holds the spirits of the ancestors, the rivers that tell the history of the people, the forest that is pharmacy and cosmology for some plot somewhere else is not compensation. This means that the spiritual, cultural and vital connection of a people with their land is fungible and can be compensated as a debt with market value. The law provides for "expropriation of social interest", which removes land from the field of original, imprescriptible and unavailable right, and places it in the field of convenience of the State and, as is known, of agribusiness. The "social interest" becomes, in practice, the interest of large estates, mining and speculation. Land ceases to be a right of the indigenous people and becomes a resource to be negotiated, expropriated and redistributed according to the balance of economic power. The most grotesque article criminalizes indigenous retakings, prohibiting the recovery of territories until "voluntary eviction" (non-existent) or the completion of a demarcation process that the law itself makes unfeasible. It is the legalization of passivity in the face of invasion and a license for repression: communities that resist will be treated as criminals, with police support. Cases like those seen in Mato Grosso do Sul, Maranhão and Rondônia could become the norm, not exceptions. The decision explains the historical prejudice that sees indigenous peoples as obstacles to "progress", repeating the logic of bandeirantes, loggers and miners, but now with legal provisions. The dispute goes beyond land: these are nation projects. On the one hand, those who exhaust natural resources and see original peoples as obstacles; on the other, those who understand socio-environmental diversity as wealth and sovereignty as dependent on the integrity of indigenous territories, effective barriers against deforestation. The rapporteur's vote, full of conditions, acts as a smokescreen that can produce in practice the same negative effects as the time frame. The scenario designed by the STF and Congress aggravates conflicts: by closing the legal path, it pushes communities into direct confrontation. The law, instead of pacifying, fuels tensions, transforming the 857 indigenous territories with disputes into battlefields. Defending indigenous peoples means defending democracy, fundamental rights and a common future. Columns Receive a selection of Folha columns in your email LINK PRESENT: Did you like this text? Subscribers can access seven free accesses from any link per day. Just click the blue F below.